The EU and preventing violent extremism in North Africa

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What is the role of the EU in preventing violent extremism in North Africa? SSSA and AUI organised a public webinar to disseminate and discuss the findings of PREVEX WP6 first deliverable, the Policy Brief on “EU and other stakeholders’ prevention strategy towards violent extremism in the Maghreb and the Sahel”. The webinar was hosted by SSSA and took place on 13 January 2021. It was held in French, with a view to encouraging the participation of local stakeholders from Maghreb countries in North Africa, under the title: “Contrecarrer l’Extrémisme Violent au Maghreb: le Rôle de l’UE en Discussion”.

P/CVE in Morocco

Mostafa El Rezrazi, Associated Professor in Security at the University Mohammed VI Polytechnique, presented the case of Morocco. The Moroccan approach to P/CVE has largely focused on individual detainees convicted for terrorism-related charges. Since 2017, the Moussalaha program has helped to provide legal assistance, religious education and psychological support with a view to fostering deradicalization and reconciliation while avoiding any shame and guilt feelings amongst detainees, which would hijack their involvement in the rehabilitation phases. El Rezrazi highlighted the importance of confidentiality and discretion in the implementation of these programs, owing to their sensitive nature.

Policy brief reviewing P/CVE in Algeria, Libya and Tunisia

Djallil Lounnas, Professor of International relations at Al Akhawayn (AUI), introduced the content and main findings of the Policy Brief on “EU and other stakeholders’ prevention strategy towards violent extremism in the Maghreb and the Sahel”.

Algeria’s approach to P/CVE is rooted in the national reconciliation strategy that put an end to almost a decade of civil war. The strategy included amnesties and reintegration programmes in favour of former extremist fighters who accepted to demobilize.

Overall, the role of the EU in Algeria’s approach to P/CVE has been limited. This contrasts sharply with the cases of Morocco and Tunisia, where the EU has played a key role in supporting and shaping domestic P/CVE strategies: less overtly in Morocco, and more visibly in Tunisia, especially in the security and law enforcement domain.

The Libyan case is more ambiguous since the concept of violent extremism is locally captured in a thick network of manipulation, politicization, and polarization fuelled by local and international dynamics and actors. Struggling to make sense of this cacophony, EU policymakers have been tempted to reduce the complexity of the Libyan security predicament by looking at the country through the lenses of a migration crisis only.

Tunisia and the EU

Michael Ayari, Tunisia senior analyst of International Crisis Group, argued that the Tunisian case represents an example of thick cooperation not only between the EU and a North African neighbouring country but also across different EU programs and agencies, leading to an integrated approach to security. Scholars consider Tunisian violent extremism largely as a political and ideological answer to national socio-economic shortcomings faced by many young people in peri-urban settings. However, the EU appear to connect Tunisian violent extremist milieus to the terrorist attacks that hit Europe in 2015 and 2016 meaning that there is an asymmetry in the implementation of P/CVE projects in Tunisia, including those sponsored by the EU.

Ayari has also contributed to a UNPD-sponsored study on the main factors driving violent extremism in Tunisia. This research noted a considerable change of violent extremist dynamics in Tunisia over the past couple of years, as a result of both international and domestic dynamics. Ayari pointed to the fall of Daesh and more effective strategies employed by Tunisian authorities.

Discussion

These thought-provoking interventions triggered a lively debate among the audience, and the discussions focused on a great number of issues. A few examples being: whether and to what extent there is a link between criminal activities and groups and violent extremism in North Africa; the relative weight of domestic trajectories, international assistance and global dynamics in shaping the transnational phenomenon of violent extremism and explaining the different situations experienced by North African countries; and how gender issues can be leveraged to tackle violent extremism in a context- and conflict-sensitive way.

In conclusion, all the speakers acknowledged that the lack of adequate assessment of P/CVE strategies – focusing on outcomes rather than on outputs – still poses a challenge to an effective and evidence-based approach to violent extremism.

Read the full report from the debate:

See also the European café debate discussing violent extremism in the Sahel

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